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Merge pull request #4 from maurovanetti/copilot/fix-3
Translate blog posts and create linking system in _drafts folder
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_drafts/2006-07-05-doh-en.md

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layout: post
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title: Doh! (a game we invented)
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tags: games en
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original: doh
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---
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One summer many years ago, by the sea, I invented **a variant of Connect 4** together with Errico De Lisi and Giuseppe Sguera. We called this game **Doh!**, in honor of Homer Simpson, of course.
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Back from vacation, I wrote the rules of this game on a [FidoNet](http://www.fidonet.org/) area that dealt with board games and played a few distance games with other users of that primitive amateur network (at the time I didn't have access to the Internet yet, especially considering that my modem ran at 2400 baud).
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Years later, searching for my first and last name on a search engine (and who hasn't done that?), great was my surprise to find not only that old rulebook I had sent *[the site has since disappeared, as it was hosted on Geocities]*, but also its translations [in English](http://www.di.fc.ul.pt/~jpn/gv/doh.htm) and [in Czech](http://www.deskovehry.info/pravidla/doh.htm) on sites specialized in board games, and [myself listed in lists of board game inventors](http://www.abstractstrategy.com/authors-v.html)
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Here are the rules of the game:
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1. It is played by two players on a rectangular game board 7 squares wide and 6 squares high.
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2. Players take turns placing a token of their color in the lowest square of a non-full column.
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3. Whoever manages to compose the four vertices of a square with their tokens and announces it by exclaiming *"Doh!"* wins. The squares can be straight, diagonal or skewed; moreover, by convention, you also win by placing your tokens on the 4 vertices of the 7 × 6 rectangle that makes up the entire game board. The image provides examples.
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{% include figure.html file="doh.jpeg"
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caption="The marked black tokens form a skewed square. The unmarked black tokens form a straight square. The marked white tokens form a diagonal square. The unmarked white tokens form the special non-square.
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" %}
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If anyone starts playing Doh! please absolutely let me know!
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---
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layout: post
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title: How Large is the Proletariat?
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tags: pol en
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original: proletariat-size
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---
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There is a gigantic social group that includes billions of human beings united by some fundamental elements:
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- they all have the same position in production: they are people who, to make a living, rent themselves to entrepreneurs who command them and pay them with a salary;
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- they all have very similar problems in relating to the economic life of the society they belong to: they must negotiate wages with their employer (which is sometimes the government), they must worry about how to obtain a pension, they fear layoffs or the worsening of working conditions imposed from above, their lives depend on the economic performance of the company they work for (which is sometimes not a real company but a State), they produce "things" on which they can rarely have their say and which are sold to someone else (and the proceeds do not go to them)...
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- they have the unpleasant but accurate sensation of "keeping the whole thing going" but that others get the best portions;
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- they have (or would have, but maybe it's forbidden or dangerous) a fundamental way to fight for their interests (or rights): going on strike.
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Is it really so important to divide these people between those who work in factories and those who work in offices?
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Those who maintain this generally have never worked either in a factory or in an office, at least not recently: in recent decades, factory work has become increasingly similar to office work and vice versa. A worker often has a fixed workstation, where he sits all the time and sometimes his task consists of operating knobs, buttons, etc. Office workers, on the other hand, almost never have very conceptual tasks that they can carry out independently: they have to move papers, write emails, fill out forms and handle practices in a very mechanical way; procedures are well defined, each one is just a small cog in a very complex and alienating mechanism. This applies more and more even to highly qualified intellectual workers, such as programmers, biologists, designers.
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We must, however, look elsewhere, these reflections are spicciola sociology and in some ways distract us. A high school teacher and a bricklayer dress differently, speak with a different style, sweat to different degrees, have very different work schedules and calendars, but if you put a house in place of a classroom, a trowel in place of a blackboard, the foreman in place of the principal, you will have, from the point of view of social role (which is what really counts), two similar cases, two different members of the same class. Neither of them has to pay the salary or wage to someone else, both receive their own once a month. Even the income of the two seems quite different, but it is much less than the income difference between the teacher and a large shareholder of an important company.
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**How many members of this social class are there in the world?** It's not an easy figure to recover, you have to struggle a bit with statistics. Isn't it perhaps curious that on the Internet you can easily find that on June 21, 2006, the number of Seventh-day Adventist Christians in the world was 16,811,519, while you can't immediately discover how many people in the world are wage workers, even if you settle for a less precise figure?
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Anyway, the calculation has been done in some way, and with a bit of reworking you can get a good estimate.
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The International Labour Organization (ILO) produced for 2005 [a statistical series](http://laborsta.ilo.org/) on 107 countries, for a total of 1,140,112,517 economically active people, a little more than a billion inhabitants of the planet, therefore. Aggregating this data globally is not very easy, but I tried. These people have been classified by the ILO in various ways, but the subdivision that interests us is that into 6 social "pseudo-classes":
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1. employees, who are 60.02% of the active population considered;
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2. employers, who are 2.89%;
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3. own-account workers, who are 17.14%;
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4. members of producers' cooperatives, who are 1.01%;
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5. workers who contribute to an economic activity owned by a family member, contributing family workers, who are many, 9.10%;
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6. those who do not clearly fall into any of these categories, workers not classifiable by status, who make up just over 2% of the set.
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Among these 6 groups, the proletarians (industrial workers, agricultural laborers, tertiary sector wage earners, etc.), are found in the first and fourth, which together reach 61%. In this 61%, however, there are *all those who receive a salary*, thus including the executives and managers of companies (private and public). These figures are not part of the proletariat: managers are literally bought by ownership through profit sharing, and in fact thanks to the distribution of shares and numerous other privileges they are assimilated into the ruling class of capitalist countries. Often for simplicity and to avoid using uncommon words we say "wage earners" or "employees" to indicate proletarians, but according to Marx an additional condition for being proletarian was to receive only a part of the value that had been produced: this is certainly not the case of CEOs of large multinational companies, whose income levels moreover have a dynamic completely independent from that of the workforce. Middle management, finally, is placed in an intermediate position, they give orders but also receive just as many, they take a few more crumbs but still a pittance compared to the top of the pyramid: everything pushes them to identify with the petty bourgeoisie. How many then are those who receive a salary but are not at the base of the hierarchy, in the mass of proletarians? In a country like Italy, official statistics say that about every 17 proletarians there is a middle manager, and that every 2 middle managers there is an executive (it would seem that there are too many executives, but we must consider that in the state apparatus, and particularly in Italy, there is clearly an excess of executives!). If the proportions are roughly these elsewhere too, from 61% we must go down to 56%: it still remains the majority.
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The real bourgeoisie (the one that uses others' labor power) is certainly made up of members of the second group (where however any employer goes, from those who have a single employee to those who have thousands), plus the executives, who according to previous calculations are not even 2%: we arrive at about 4.5%. The petty bourgeoisie, which we can consider divided into urban middle class (artisans, professionals, middle managers, etc.) and peasants, is the most heterogeneous class and therefore the most difficult to define: it is convenient to define it by difference as *everyone else* and if mathematics is not an opinion it cannot exceed the remaining 39.5%. This figure, contrary to what is not infrequently told, is not kept so high by advanced countries, but by less industrialized ones. In fact, it oscillates around 7-8% in the USA or the UK, rises towards 25% for countries with a weaker economic structure like Italy or Spain, and only in Third World countries does it reach and sometimes exceed 50% thanks to the decisive contribution of small rural landowners.
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Let us not forget, however, that this data concerns only 107 countries; in the world there are many more countries, from 190 to 200 (depending on the status attributed to places like Taiwan, Kosovo, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, Vatican City, etc.). In particular, in ILO statistics, which cover all the most industrialized countries and many dozens of backward countries, important countries like China (although there are some of its parts: Hong Kong and Macao), India, Nigeria, Iraq do not appear. In fact, since the ILO estimates that the world's active population is composed of 2.8 billion people, 1.7 billion active people are missing from the statistics in question. To establish the class composition of this billion and 700 million, we can do nothing but extend, *cum grano salis*, the percentages found earlier. Naturally, countries like China and India, although they may contribute to enriching the set of proletarians with a notable injection of laborers, could have a social composition with fewer workers, although it no longer seems absolutely obvious (it is said that China and India are "the factory of the world"): they certainly have fewer employees though. For now let's assume the risk of exceeding a little too much in estimating the size of the proletariat, as much as I can anticipate that in the next approximation that will be necessary to make we will certainly exceed much more in the opposite direction.
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**56% of 2.8 billion is 1.6 billion, the number of active proletarians in the world.** For the bourgeois we get a figure of about 120 million. The remaining classes are around 1.1 billion people.
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The inhabitants of the planet, however, are approximately 6 and a half billion, largely economically inactive: young people, pensioners, housewives, prisoners and in small part beggars and other people who for various reasons do not work even occasionally. In the "sociological" concept of social class, which is not a purely statistical concept, every person belongs to a class, not only those economically productive. The idea is that the class represents a "social environment"; in reality we often speak of the fact that a family rather than a single individual belongs or does not belong to a certain social class. If we want to divide the entire human race into classes, we must once again extend the percentages we have; with this extension we will amply compensate for any approximation by excess made previously, because we will suppose that on average the active people of each social class have the same number of inactive family members: in truth it is quite clear that proletarian families are on average more numerous and richer in housewives and other inactive individuals, so this time we are making an underestimate of the global extent of the proletariat.
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56% of 6.5 billion is 3.64 billion; **the proletariat is composed, on a world scale, of more than 3 and a half billion human beings**. The bourgeois class, whose upper stratum holds power almost everywhere, includes only 300 million people. The *middle class* including peasants counts 2.6 billion people in its ranks.
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Surprise: the proletariat is the bulk of humanity. How come it's not in charge?
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title: There will always be a Turkish bug
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tags: geek en
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original: baco-turco
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---
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Programming can seem like very dry work, and in part it is. Yet, every now and then it gives occasion to do a bit of philosophy.\
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I'm telling a story about my previous workplace, hoping that revealing these important industrial secrets won't push them to take me to court...
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One of the things you learn right away when programming is that it's not possible to make the perfect program, one that works correctly in all possible conditions. There's always something we hadn't thought of, the only perfect program is a program that gets continuously reprogrammed: software either evolves or dies. In the best case it must evolve to keep up with changes in the context in which it operates (including changes in user requirements), in the worst case it's simply a matter of realizing subtle errors (*bugs*) made by developers, errors that manifest their harmfulness only with the concrete use of the application.
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One day, in the large multinational where I worked before, someone notices that a part of the application that dozens and dozens of people had been working on for years, and which had now reached its seventh or eighth version, *didn't work in **Turkey***. I don't mean it worked badly, it just wouldn't start.
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The person who notices this sends an alarmed message to the internal mailing list. Someone who thought he knew better replies: *"Come on, that's impossible, check better, you must have done something wrong"*. Half an hour later, the same person writes: *"I tried changing the computer configuration as if I were in Turkey. It's true, it doesn't start!"* But what the heck...?!
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What's special about Turkey?
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An hour passes, another email: *"We discovered that during the startup phase a trivial check on string comparison fails, it seems that in Turkey **toLowerCase()** doesn't work well"*. The *toLowerCase()* method, in Java, as its [documentation](http://java.sun.com/j2se/1.3/docs/api/java/lang/String.html#toLowerCase()) explains, converts text to its lowercase version. Why shouldn't it work well in Turkey? Especially since Turkey uses the Latin alphabet, ever since the modernizing and pro-Western reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.
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**Eureka!** Even though I didn't count for much in that company, I couldn't resist the temptation to send an email explaining the mystery. Turkey definitely has something special: it's the only country in the world, as far as I know, where the lowercase version of the letter *I* is not the letter *i*. In the Turkish alphabet there are indeed two very similar letters: one is the *I*, without a dot, which becomes *ı* in lowercase, the other is the *İ*, with a dot, which becomes *i* in lowercase.
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At startup, that program applied the *toLowerCase* method to a sentence containing an *I*, and compared it with a certain constant string, which contained an *i*. The comparison failed in Turkey, because in Java that method is *localized*, that is, it performs the lowercase conversion in a way that depends on the language and other "regional settings" of the system on which it's executed.
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You have to be careful to dot your *i*'s, because the Turkish bug is always lurking.

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